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When is a Hopi NOT a Hopi?

On the stripping of a racial and tribal identity in furtherance of political gains—An investigative report by Hart Williams

fairly typical of the lands being fought over
Cornfield near Coal Mine Chapter, Hopi Reservation
photo: Jayne Williams 1997

Caveat Lector: This piece is over 4500 words long, and is not easy, spoon-fed reading. You are going to have to make sense of some very complex issues and some astonishingly subtle distortions of those issues. I would recommend that you print this out for easier study, if a more than cursory reading is your intent. For some reason, the hypnotic trance of the TV tube is less amenable to clarity than the cool repose of hard copy. -- HW

The following news item recently appeared on the Pacific News Service out of San Francisco:

2-19-98 by Jacqueline Keeler

A Woman Warrior Puts Faith in Words—U.N. Investigates Navajo Removal

This blatantly one-sided, unfair and slanted piece is filled with half-truths and distortions. But in this past year of almost continual research on the "Navajo-Hopi Land Dispute" it is precisely the sort of unresearched, unchallenged piece that this reporter has begun to expect. What manner of "journalism," one wonders, only presents ONE side of a story? What form of "reportage" silences one side in a disagreement while unquestioningly reprinting the most outrageous allegations of the other?

Since a significant portion of the story deals with the `martyrdom' of Chris Interpreter (A/K/A Christopher Altsisi, according to Hopi Tribal documents), I will let the reader read the allegations, and, hopefully, provide another side of the argument in the excerpts below. Mr. Interpreter/Altsisi will be claiming brutality by the Hopi at the upcoming 1998 Public Interest Environmental Law Conference at the University of Oregon this weekend (March 5-8), and the reader truly concerned with "environmental justice" would do well to take heed. No voice from the Hopi Tribe will be heard—evidently in the spirit of "fairness."

The complete article may be found at:


or, at: http://www.theofficenet.com/~redorman/keeler1.htm

By Jacqueline Keeler: The United States is being investigated for violating the religious freedom of its citizens, the first time an international agency has ever made such a move.

The United Nations "Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance," Abdelfattah Amor has visited the Navajo and Hopi Reservations to look into alleged violations that stem from a coal mining strip operation in Black Mesa, Arizona, one of the country's largest coal repositories.

Blaming Peabody has always been the name of the game here, but, in point of fact, the Hopi Tribe (generally referred to as the "Hopi Tribal Council" to delegitimize the Tribe's concerns) was the subject of much, if not most of the testimony. At the hearing, the "usual suspects" Dan Evehama, Emery Holmes, and Martin Gaswesoma appeared (the Tribe had NOT been invited) to claim that there was "no land dispute" between the Hopi Tribe and the HPL (Hopi Partitioned Land, i.e. "Big Mountain") Navajo.

But listen to the elders of Hotevilla:

Received: Tue, 11 Feb 1997 16:06:59 -0500 (EST)

Subject: Hotevilla


"Press Release; Tuesday, February 04, 1997; Hotevilla, AZ

"Following the recent night dances at Hotevilla it has become clear that Martin Gasweseoma and Dan Evehema will continue to encourage their supporters to defy the assembly of Wiwimkyam. Unwelcome individuals attended the dances in Hawiovi Kiva and outside, in direct defiance of the closure terms.

"In response to these individuals and their supporters the Wiwimkyam assembly are resolved to expose the reckless behavior of these two self-appointed chiefs. Martin and Dan do not hold any positions of religious authority in Hotevilla.[...] Martin and Dan are aware of their responsibilities in the community which does not include the authority to speak for the people.

"Dan ... has never been seen smoking and praying at the Katsiki, or any other Kiva during religious events, nor at community events such as weddings.

"Both know that a Hopi leader stays at home, available to the community but Martin's trips abroad selling his message are well known and Dan is seldom seen in the village. Both are engaged in Paho making outside of religiously prescribed places and times. Persons not entitled to this ritual are learning from them and so are engaged in the mockery of original, accepted practices.

"Martin and Dan try to emulate Yukioma's resolve never to accept the Whiteman's (sic) goods. The Whitemen arrive daily at Martin's house with material goods. Dan seeks contributions over the internet.

[Note: A satellite dish has appeared at "traditional" Dan Evehama's ranch since Christmastime 1998, according to my non-Tribal Council source on the Second Mesa. Yukioma was the leader of the "traditionals" and the schism at old Oraibi a century ago. See fundraising message @ URL:
http://www.timesoft.com/hopi/news99.htm      HW]

"Thomas Banyacya, Manuel Hoyungowa, Rena Murillo, Emory Holmes and non-Hopis Katherine Chesire (founder of Touch the Earth Foundation), Thomas E. Mails (author of Hotevilla, The Hopi Survival Kit, Native American Pathways, Mystic Warriors of the Plains) and Roy Steevenz continue to seek contributions for Hotevilla, supposedly with the Elders' blessings. Do not send contributions to Hotevilla, on their behalf or those of Caretaker's of Hotvela (sic) in Hopi and Hopi Sinom.

"Also be wary of contributions to Hotevilla through, Don't Waste Arizona, Inc.

"The people of Hotevilla will confirm this information Those from outside the community who continue to create conflict are in headlong collision with the community. [...] Gratitude also goes out to those assisting with the distribution of this information.

"On file, Eleven (11) of fifteen (15) Wiwimkyam signatories to Tunatya.

"For more information call: 520-734-2420"


When I visited Hotevilla last summer [1997], this press release was found not only to be authentic, but was thumbtacked over the desk at the community center. And yet, Martin, Dan and Emery were met with by the UN's Mr. Amor, and treated as spokesmen for the entire Hopi Nation. They are not even spokesmen for Hotevilla, which they claim to represent.

But the UN's Mr. Amor reacted in astonishment when the Tribal Council expressed outrage that he had not informed them of his coming to Hopi land, nor had he asked for their views. Nor did he other than dodge the issue when the Hopi told him that coming when he did interfered with a traditional cycle of (private) religious ceremonies. Instead, in his February 4, 1998 press conference in Phoenix, Mr. Amor stated:

"As I said before, everybody, absolutely everybody was invited to express their wish if they had such a wish, to contribute through statements or through testimony. The first indication of any desire by persons legitimately interested in this question, occurred on the 30th of January, 1998, and I was asked to postpone my visit on the grounds that they would have some prayers to make. Obviously any visit has to be at least minimally organized. And yet my heart and my spirit were always open to everybody. And believe me even in those cases where I was not able to hear some people speak in person, I nevertheless have been given some information from some of those people."

But according to the Arizona Republic:

"... the Hopi Tribe said it knew about Amor's visit—and was more than a little peeved about it. Tribal officials said Amor had trespassed on their reservation while meeting with Navajo relocation resisters at Big Mountain.

"'Even more disturbing is the fact that you have not asked to meet with the Hopi Tribe to hear its perspective on the religious issues that exist,' Chairman Wayne Taylor Jr. wrote in a letter to Amor."

Both Taylor and outgoing Chair Ferrell Secakuku expressed outrage at Amor during last month's inaugural ceremonies.

The fact that Amor never thought to contact the Hopi Tribe is nothing new: the idea that they might have a side in this issue never seems to occur to anyone, as long as the phony "Hopi Elders" are available whenever the "Big Mountain" supporters whistle.

Keeler writes: "Over the past thirty years, 10,000 traditional sheep-herding Navajos living near Black Mesa have been subjected to mass removal from their land, the desecration of 4,000 family graves and sacred sites, and repeated impoundment of their livestock and other harassment by Hopi officials, U.S. Agents, and the Peabody Coal Company."

"Traditional sheep-herding"? Think about that. When did the Navajo begin to herd sheep after the coming of the Spanish (there exist no "indigenous" sheep, you know)? And who taught them to herd? The answer to the second question is: the Hopi.

Q: When is a Hopi NOT a Hopi?

A: Whenever it suits a Big Mountain "resister" or "supporter" that they not be so.

The "traditional" Hopis of 1976 were writing the Tribal Council to express their outrage that any of the Navajo Partitioned Lands (NPL) were being given up.

Keeler writes: "The land had been frozen by the courts when the Hopi Tribal Council sought title to it. Improvements were forbidden—a homeowner could be fined, possibly arrested for doing simple repairs. My grandparents and other elders were to be removed from their homes to make way for Hopi progress.

This is a far cry from this posting to Native-L in 1991 by Lee Flier, which is typical of the claim that it's not the Hopi:

"Therefore to ask to hear the respective ‘sides’ of either the Hopi or the Navajo is playing right into the hands of the real villains. This is not an intertribal dispute but just a rehash of the same old dispute between white enterprise and Native desire to protect the land, phony tribal councils and press releases notwithstanding."

Ms. Keeler slips and lets us know that it's the Hopi that the Navajo consider the enemy:

"This land was fought for. I make this book for the young generation to read and know the courage of the Navajo warriors, what our ancestors did for us....They paid for our land with their lives."

Aside from being purple prose, the above is merely empty rhetoric. Whom, one might ask, did those mighty Navajo warriors of yore fight and kill? Why, Hopis, of course:

"During the years 1823-1845 ... the Navajo not only intensified their raids on Hopi villages and mesas, but also penetrated ever deeper into territory long considered by the Hopi to be their own ... as late as 1837 a massive Navajo raid on Oraibi, at that time by far the largest of Hopi villages, killed or scattered virtually the entire population ... especially heartbreaking to the Hopi were the scalping and slave raids ... Because of their intelligence and personal attractiveness, Hopi young people brought high prices in the extensive slave trade carried on in Santa Fe and elsewhere ...." Pages From Hopi History, Harry C. James, U. of Arizona Press, 1974 (p. 71-72)

Keeler writes:

"This connection with ancestors and the land their ancestors bequeathed to them compels Navajo families who have held out these 30 years. Recently, Chris Interpreter, a young Dineh man from one of the communities near Black Mesa, came to visit us in Oakland. He told us how he had been arrested and beaten by Hopi Tribal Rangers when he tried to prevent them from impounding his grandmother's sheep. Later he was charged with trespassing on his own land." [emphasis added]

Again, a very strange—one might suggest extremely self-serving—interpretation of the facts.

In 1992, Happy and Mary Altsisi (Lawrence's parents) signed an agreement with the Relocation Commission, and a new house was built for them, at Government expense (no one has to move until they get their free house, mind you). They moved to the new house "two miles away," according to Keith Secakuku, the Chief of the Hopi Rangers. The new Altsisi home is within walking distance of the land they'd signed away.

Lawrence Altsisi then brought 20 sheep to the old property (he was trespassing, as you'll read below), and the range monitors speculated that he was there to provoke a confrontation. He was given five days to vacate (across the fence to his parents' home, where the sheep are currently).

He did. Too bad he wasn't there to face the music (he knew when the Hopi Rangers were coming, and managed to be absent that day). He left that to eight witnesses; who were there to `non-violently resist'; when the five-day notice to vacate the property was up. Four chickened out. Four were arrested. One of them was Chris Interpreter (who gave his name to the Hopi Rangers as Christopher Altsisi) Now, read the spin-doctored PR, and then the Hopi response:

Four people have been arrested on the land of Lawrence Altsisi, Dineh/Navajo of Big Mountain, for resisting the bulldozer that came to destroy his home. These people do not have many financial resources; they have no lawyers to represent them. Elsewhere on Black Mesa, members of the Benally clan sat in front of a bulldozer that came to scrape their land for coal.

[No attribution given, but this has been reprinted in more "Environmental" and "Native" "ACTION ALERTS" than one can shake a stick at. One Walter Epp of Berkeley even RE-released the alert, elaborately rewritten without adding any additional information. -- HW]

From: William M. Havens, Assistant to the [Hopi Tribal] Chairman

Date: 1997/06/25

Whoever posted the message about the arrests at the homesite that Lawrence Altsisi is claiming belongs to him is misinformed. Correction: There was no bulldozer and there was no intent to tear down the structure. Lawrence Altsisi has no grazing permit and the area is seriously overgrazed. Only three people were arrested and they were arrested for interfering with the lawful impoundment of Mr. Altsisi's sheep and goats (approx. 20 animals)."

[Note: the fourth person was a minor, and not charged. According to Ranger Chief Secakuku, she was a 17-year-old blonde California college student, whose parents came to pick her up in Holbrook, Arizona --HW]

Chris Interpreter was one of the four arrested.

To reiterate Ms. Keeler's claim:

"He told us how he had been arrested and beaten by Hopi Tribal Rangers when he tried to prevent them from impounding his grandmother's sheep. Later he was charged with trespassing on his own land." [emphasis added -- HW]

According to Ranger Chief Secakuku, Chris Interpreter and "his uncle set dogs on the Rangers attempting to impound the livestock." Interpreter—who KNEW the Rangers were coming (the 5-Day-Notice, remember) violently struggled with the officers, and, Secakuku states, no unnecessary force was used to arrest him. The arresting officers "just held him down and handcuffed him," says Secakuku.

It will inevitably be argued that Secakuku cannot be trusted, and is, of course, lying, so take this bit of salt with Interpreter/Altsisi's story: The witnesses were taking video of the incident, states Secakuku. If Interpreter is to be believed, then he should be able to produce videotape proving that he was beaten after his "nonviolent resistance" to being sent away from "his" land.

And his uncle Lawrence Altsisi? Shortly thereafter, he posted this message on the Internet:

To all big mountain support group (sic):

My name is Lawrence Altsisi and I am from Dinnebito, AZ and some of you might know me. Today I asking you to support me that I am planning to make a trip to Montana to place called environmental indigenous conference and this will taking place August 01-04, 1997. (sic) If I attend this conference than I know more about how we can stop Peabody coal mine to destroyed our ancesrtal land. (sic) I am new to this land dispute and I don't know that much about the deal between the Peabody coal mine, Navajo/Hopi and federal government.

[NOTE: He's been living on HPL all his life and is new to the dispute?]

I am interested in learning alot of information about what going on our reservation and not telling us what is going on behind the closed doors in Window Rock, AZ. (sic)

My supporters and l are encouraging all of you to help us out again and please continued to stand behind us and let's all fight the good to protect mother earth. (sic) The creator has made mother earth to share and not to destroyed it (sic). Thank you for your support and everything you have done to support the Dine.

Lawrence Altsisi
P.O. Box 838
Kykotsmovi, Arizona 86038

Altsisi was given a cellular phone by various "Big Mountain" support groups, and, by August was pleading for funds to cover an over $600 phone bill, as evidenced by several more "action alert" posts. Currently, he and Key Watchman are on "tour" to several Midwestern colleges, including the University of Nebraska, if he can find some white kid to watch his sheep.

Typical of this college blitz is this article from the University of California, Davis newspaper, December 5, 1997:

"In 1974, the Peabody Coal Company reportedly invented a false "range war" between the Hopi and Navajo tribes, convincing the government to intervene. The response by Congress was the Relocation Act, which partitioned the land, once jointly owned by the Hopi and Dineh people, and forced nearly 12,000 Native Americans out of Big Mountain. In addition, the Hopi Tribal Council took control of the land, without the consent of the Dineh, as a result of the act.

"Because the HTP receives 75 percent of their operating budget from Peabody, it has its own reasons for wanting the Dineh to relocate, and has used harsh tactics for several years to push relocation. For instance, Hopi rangers have reportedly harassed elders, confiscated livestock and bulldozed dwellings during religious ceremonies.

"These actions, however, reflect the HTP's desire for profits from a business perspective and does not point to a dispute between the Hopi and Dineh people.

"'The Hopi Tribal Council doesn't necessarily represent the views of the Hopi," [UCD's "World Earth Festival" organizer David] Kupfer said. `It's more of a business.'"

"... The Dineh will also showcase their native handicrafts and sell woolen rugs from sheep they herd themselves."

Again, the Hopi Tribal Council, and anyone associated with the tribe (excepting those "Hopi elders"—who don't even speak for Hotevilla) are discounted and given no right to exist by this clueless white student. The Navajo/Dine[h] are worshipped in reverent tones, but Hopis are denied simple humanity. I have met Ferrell Secakuku and Wayne Taylor, Jr., the former and current Tribal Chairmen. I have met many of the men and women who work for the Tribal Council. They are human. They are Hopi—but any Navajo or know-it-all college punk can tell you what ALL Hopi think, and how Tribal Council members aren't Hopi. Should we talk about basic racism? And should we talk about condescending snobbery?

I was told by Kelly Matheson, L.A.W.'s assistant director: "This event is student-driven. Cecily—I don't know her last name—is an undergraduate, and she said, `We need to do something on Big Mountain!' and I said `sure!' I don't know how she went about booking the speakers."

This, of course, is a great exercise in "Environmental Justice," and yet, I could not contact the mysterious undergrad "Cecily" to find out whether Hopi tribal members (not bogus `elders') had been invited to speak. [note: they had not] Odds are that it never crossed her mind, as it has not crossed the minds of countless reporters and "environmentalists" and sweat-lodge groupies who have trekked to Big Mountain rallies to eschew "genocide," purchase Navajo rugs, and alternately rage against "The Man," and feel the warm fuzzies about the Navajo, their Groovy Indian Pals.

It is doubtful that more than a handful of those present at "Big Mountain" events—including the "resisters"—have more than a vague grasp of the history involved, or of the persons they are so quick to dismiss as "Peabody Stooges."

When our investigative team visited Hopiland last summer, we went to great lengths to speak to Hopi at all levels of society—within, without, in favor and opposed to the Tribal Council—and you know what? Unanimously, it was agreed that they are of, by and for the Hopi. We even interviewed [the late] Dan Evehama, who agreed vociferously that the Navajo had stolen Hopi land and should give it back. But, you see, making the Hopi into non-persons, into thugs and dupes isn't considered racism. It isn't considered unfair, mean-spirited, or hateful. It isn't even considered dehumanizing, and Navajo speakers will be more than happy to tell the Hopi how they should practice their religion:

Lawrence Altsisi in a letter to this reporter, via Media Island International, on Thu, 10 Jul 1997:

"...It was said by the Hopi Elders that they should only stay on the mesa. Once they started spreading on the land than it means that the end of the world is coming. If they were traditional Hopi people then it should stay on the mesa. Because they are playing with Holy Ones they worship and this has already happened once and this is why there are only 8,000 Hopi living on three mesas."
                                 --Lawrence Altsisi, H.P.L. Resident, Big Mt., AZ.

But, meanwhile, Chris Interpreter claims to have been beaten last summer: Even edited, the "witness" videotapes might provide some insight into the truth of Interpreter/Altsisi's claims. Is Chris Interpreter (and Lawrence Altsisi, and Key Watchman, and Louise Benally, et al, etc., etc.) an opportunist, touring universities and accepting "travel expenses" (as verified by L.A.W. Assistant Director Kelly Matheson) and "honoraria" (not being paid at the UO event)? Heady stuff, this young man jetting freely across the country, telling whatever stories he wants without fear of contradiction, with everything to gain and nothing to lose in being less than truthful.

Who said "Relocation is genocide"? They must not consider their "deep ties" to the land to be in conflict with university speaking tours. Of course, the Navajo are, according to the archaeologists, a nomadic tribe, and, as former BIA head Ross Swimmer (a Cherokee) said in 1987: "To say Navajos are incapable of moving is to deny historical reality."

While you're considering Mr. Interpreter's "plight" on environmental grounds, consider the following portions of this judgment handed down by the Ninth Circuit this past summer, finding the Navajo Nation liable for $18,187,132 in environmental damages to the HPL, and remanding portions of the case back to District Court for additional damages:

Between 1962 and 1972, the federal government continued to grant grazing permits to the Navajo, while rejecting all Hopi applications. Hamilton, 503 F.2d at 1146 n.10. At the same time, the Navajo intimidated the Hopi and mutilated their cattle. Id. Together, the federal government and the Navajo excluded the Hopi from what Healing had declared a "joint use area." ["JUA" -- HW]

The Hopi thus brought a supplemental action in which they obtained an order of compliance and a writ of assistance enforcing the Healing decision. Our decision affirming the order and the writ, Hamilton, 503 F.2d 1138, documents in greater detail the exclusion of the Hopi from the JUA. In Hamilton, we noted that although the permits enabled the Navajo only to eke out an existence, terrible and destructive overgrazing occurred nonetheless; the carrying capacity of the range was simply insufficient. Id. at 1145 (JUA is "an over-grazed, harsh and inhospitable area which yields little above a subsistence living").

[NOTE: JUA was divided into the HPL and NPL, not based on an equal division of land, but a division based on population, of which the NPL received the lion's share of the disputed land. The JUA represented the original extent of the 1882 Hopi Reservation which itself was but a fraction of their original lands. HW] [...]

In this appeal, the Navajo's principal contention is that the Settlement Act itself is unconstitutional because it divests the Navajo of a vested property right to graze animals on the entire JUA. Additionally, the Navajo, for the first time on appeal, contend that the district court lacked jurisdiction because the determination of the fair value in this case constitutes a non-justiciable political question. The Navajo also challenge several evidentiary rulings and factual findings concerning the valuation of their grazing and agricultural use. We affirm the judgment. [...]

Because longtime Navajo overgrazing drastically decreased the carrying capacity of the JUA, the rental value of the land between 1962 and 1979 was only one-fifth the typical rate in Arizona. The district court thus rejected the Navajo's approach and estimated the actual amount of grazing from the number of Navajo animals on the JUA. At times, actual grazing by Navajo livestock exceeded the carrying capacity by approximately seven-fold. [emphasis added—HW]

- U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, MASAYESVA v HALE,

No. 9417022, Filed July 8, 1997. To read the case in its entirety:


or, if they change their filing system, text search for 'Masayesva' at

Now Lawrence Altsisi and Chris Interpreter want to continue their "traditional" ways by overgrazing land that the Hopi Department of Natural Resources is trying to bring back to healthy rangeland. Is this "environmental justice"?

Secakuku points out that Altsisi continues to trespass on the land, bringing his sheep over or around the fence two miles away.

Meantime, Altsisi has filed for reconsideration of his status under the Accommodation Agreement, and is being given due consideration—even though he continues to flout the law: like nearly ALL Big Mountain resisters, NO authority is recognized, not the Navajo Nation, not the Hopi Tribe, not the U.S. Government. Unlike any other people in the world, they seem to feel themselves above the law entirely.

It's a game of cat and mouse, but according to Interpreter and Altsisi, it's a one-sided gang of Hopi thugs "oppressing" these "traditional" Navajo.

What ever happened to that mysterious bulldozer? And what about the equally fictional bulldozer at the Benally "clan's" home? "Benally" is an incredibly common Navajo name, like unto "Smith." After that first posting on Interpreter, the "incident" was never mentioned again.

These people are telling the truth?

Keeler writes:

When the UN representative makes his report to the world, I will be listening and so will the old grandmothers, the uncles, the young people, the ancestors and those not yet born. This connection to the land cannot be dismissed. It will not go away.

So, if these "noble" Dineh are so in touch with the Earth and all, how come the land was horrifically overgrazed during their stewardship? And what about the legally established fact of intimidation of Hopi by Navajo on Hopi lands? Why pretend that they're saving us all from Peabody Coal Company when it is apparent that it is the Hopi Tribe the Big Mountain resisters fight against?

Keeler writes:

Chris, presently on a national speaking tour, is a young warrior—he uses words and so do I.

—Jacqueline F. Keeler, Program Coordinator, American Indian Child Resource Center, Oakland, CA

It is one thing to use words to do battle. It is another thing to use the truth. Throughout the entire "Big Mountain" fiasco, the Hopi Tribe has rarely been heard from. The slander by Navajos, however, is easily and guiltily accepted by gringos who feel angst from watching too many John Wayne movies. How might that change if we accepted that the Hopi people have a right to a little fraction of Hopi land? Might we begin with the premise that such as Chris Interpreter and Lawrence Altsisi should not be lionized, and sent on public lecture tours without, once, someone taking a moment to ask the Hopi what they think?

With which, having slandered good men and women, and having distorted an ugly history to her own selfish ends, Ms. Keeler feels no compunction in hiding behind her title in another job entirely. This, then, is how "Big Mountain" issues are handled. Truth? Anyone?

Q: When is a Hopi NOT a Hopi?

A: Whenever it suits a Big Mountain "resister" or "supporter" that they not be so.

How to be a Hopi Elder -- Right and Wrong Techniques

BAD Hopi Elder

"The Navajo took the land and should give it back! It is Hopi land."
(Dan Evehama, interviewed by this reporter and his photographer at "Little Dan's" ranch, June, 1997)

GOOD Hopi Elder

There is no disagreement. The Dineh are completely correct in whatever they say. Send money to the 'Caretakers of Hotevilla'!
(Dan Evehama, at least as reported by

Thomas Mails, Katherine Cheshire (a/k/a DeeSee Mana), et al.

1998 Hart Williams all rights reserved From THIS WEEK WITH TEETH, March 5, 1999; Eugene, Oregon. Mr. Williams has been a literary critic for The Washington Post, The Kansas City Star, The Orange County Register, and The Santa Fe Sun, among others.

written for the 1998 U of O L.A.W.
Conference issue of TWWT
posted 26 July, 1999
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